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2008年11月13日星期四

无耻者阿扁


李敖大师曰:“台湾历史上最不要脸的人物,第一名:陈水扁、第二名:陈水扁、第三名:陈水扁”,陈水扁一人连夺三冠也不是莫无道理的。陈水扁这人,自登上中华民国-台湾省“总统”,就已表露出了这名大名鼎鼎的人物注定是中国-台湾历史上最无耻的政客、最贪婪的贪官。他是美丽岛事件的历史;他是民进党早期的优秀党员、立法委员;台北市市长,又如何?2000年总统大选,台湾人民急着要打倒霸权主义的中国国民党,连战萧万长配、宋楚瑜两号大人物败选;“ 台湾之父”李登辉(“岩里政男”)都不及这位“台湾之子”高票当选总统,台湾历史刷新一页。



可阿扁这“卡小”这得尽了总统的责任吗?最初是立法不该谈台独问题的,就是他本人。他的内阁总是不停地在更换,换了一届又一届,结果全都一堆贪官,特别侦察组所捕获的甚至被当局审判入狱的绝大多数都是阿扁幕僚里著名的政客,阿扁这八年来的政府要真被称为“贪污政府”也并不为过。阿扁搞了八年,第一届新政府不但没改善民生问题,数不尽的烂摊子没收拾,却一昧地在激化台湾民族主义,使其膨胀。十多年前,侯孝贤导演拍摄的一部名为《悲情城市》的电影,恰好阿扁政府的王牌、唯一的底牌就是“悲情”。八年多来,阿扁的败绩统统推给国民党的霸权和腐败、中国大陆打压台湾经济,却完全不知道这就是自己政府的无能和自我从国际上隔离的结果,台湾人是在有够悲情...不是因为被大陆欺压、不是为外省人欺负,而是自愿被民进党政府虐待,这种自虐行为就是阿扁时代所形成之怪现象。



2008 年,阿扁/民进党政府终于倒了,马英九的贪腐案无疑是民进党当局强加的帽子,最终背叛无罪。而阿扁家族自其执政时期一直都无法解决的第一家庭洗钱弊案仍在进审查行中,目前的金额尽然已高达了数亿美元,台湾人民到底看清了这位伟大人物没有?他家族成员与相关人士在国外到底有多少人头账户、收了企业界多少钱、政治贿金有多少皆成了全世界所关注的大课题。阿扁这样的人可以当两任总统,而且还亏空了台湾人民那么多的钱,台湾人是无知还是假装不在乎,阿扁这号败类还可以相信的吗?什么台湾建国资金,这就是他的悲情牌,死到临头还自比台独英雄,实在是有辱真正“斗士”的脸。阿扁全家无疑都是贼!阿辉伯就险些被拖入弊案,声称:“他要死就自己去死,别将所有的人都拖下水”,可真的是拖下水那么简单吗?前政府到底有多少政客收了阿扁的钱,目前还不可而知,但迟早必定能水落石出吧。



2006年,施明德的“倒扁运动”没法将阿扁拉倒是个遗憾,可2008年总统大选,台湾人民就依靠手中的选票决定了民进党政府的生死。为什么当张铭清来台时还会遭到袭击?绿色分子越变越绿,估计已经深陷在台独虚无主义的泥潭中,无法自拔的地步了。蔡英文这老娘子根本就没办法控制自己的部下,这号人物是民进党无大将的滥竽充数例子。阿扁这前领导人就在后面叫嚣,深绿分子还真信他那一套,上街游行去大喊大叫。陈云林访台,绿色分子暴民无法无天展开骚动、打警察,口喊“反共”、“反马”,民进党的街头运动文化已经不在,换来的是228时期的暴民文化;民进党最后的底牌已经打出,估计也已经玩完,一无所有。陈云林回去了,两岸签下了有利于台湾很多的协议书,这怎么叫“卖台”?台湾完全占了中国大陆便宜了嘛!



阿扁于11月11日终于被收押了,却没看见什么骚动的情况发生,明显的台湾人民早已筋疲力尽,阿扁被收押早就是众人所预测的结果,想法的还得怪罪当局为何那么迟才将他拘捕收押呢。反之,没有泛蓝分子的欢呼声,也没有多少泛绿分子在街上为他打气或引起纠纷,阿扁心冷了。台湾人民受够了,这一群人不但丢尽了台湾的面子,还吃尽了台湾人民辛苦转来的金钱,这群人活着还有意义吗?阿扁就算不能宣判终身监禁或死刑,起码他全家都要该吃牢饭,这才是公道!否则天理何在?民主与法制是干嘛用的?可以再高喊“阿扁万岁”的人我想已经是个无可救药、病入膏盲的白痴兼弱智了,真要佩服他们的“挺扁”精神,可笑也。

Analysis:Why Obama won

Ben Smith, Jonathan Martin Ben Smith, Jonathan Martin – Wed Nov 5, 2:37 am ET
“POLITICO”

Barack Obama’s sweeping victory as president of the United States sends him to the White House to face what may be the worst national financial crisis since the time of Franklin Roosevelt’s election in 1932.


Obama won on his own terms, strategically and symbolically. He rolled up a series of contested states, from Colorado to Virginia,long out of Democratic reach. And his victory reflected the accuracy ofhis vision of a reshaped country. Racism, much discussed, turned out tobe a footnote, and African-American turnout was not unusually high.Instead, Obama drew his strength from an array of racially mixed,growing areas around cities like Orlando, Washington, Indianapolis, and Columbus on his way to at least 334 electoral votes.


“Even as we celebrate tonight we know that the challenges tomorrow willbring are the greatest of our lifetime: two wars, a planet in peril,the worst financial crisis in a century,” Obama told a crowd of morethan 100,000 in Chicago’s Grant Park.


The assembled crowd had been strangely silent through the evening, even as Obama shut the door for McCain by winning New Hampshire and Pennsylvania, and even after his victory in Ohio pointed toward a landslide, seemingly unwilling to accept or believe the impending victory.


Only at 11:00 p.m., when CNN declared that Obama had surpassed 270 electoral votes, did the crowd roar in approval.


"This victory alone is not the change we seek — it is only the chanceto make that change," Obama said, standing between two bulletproofglass walls.

McCain, speaking in a somber concession speech outside the Phoenixhotel where he married his wife, declared that he had done what hecould.


"I don't know what more we could have done to try to win this election," he said.

Calling Obama "my president," McCain vowed to work with him to helprepair a nation facing profound challenges at home and abroad.


"These are difficult times for our country, and I pledge to him tonightto do all in my power to help him lead us through the many challengeswe face," McCain said.

After booing Obama's name and offering a few jeers, the crowd came torecognize the history in the evening when McCain paid tribute to thenation's first black president by recalling his own favoritecommander-in-chief.


"A century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt's invitation of Booker T. Washington to dine at the White Housewas taken as an outrage in many quarters," McCain recalled. "Americatoday is a world away from the cruel and prideful bigotry of that time.There is no better evidence of this than the election of anAfrican-American to the presidency of the United States."


For the first time, claps and even a few cheers were heard from the dejected crowd.

Obama’s win came with Democratic gains in the Senate and House, though his broad victory — he swept swing states ranging from Indiana to Ohioto Virginia — was perhaps even more dramatic than his party’s successin congressional races. Obama and other Democratic leaders quicklysignaled their awareness of the risk of overreaching, with Obamaavoiding any claim of partisan victory, and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid going further.


"This is a mandate to get along, to get something done in a bipartisanway. This is not a mandate for a political party or an ideology,” Reidtold Politico.

As grand as the symbolism of Obama’s victory was, it was also a victory for his steady, corporate campaign management.The campaign’s early decision to play on a more ambitious map thanother Democratic nominees was the source of his mandate. And the resultclosely mirrored the PowerPoint presentation his campaign manager,David Plouffe, pitched to sometimes-skeptical audiences of reportersand donors.



McCain’s campaign blamed larger forces for their candidate’s defeat.

“We were crushed by circumstance,” communications director Jill Hazelbaker said after McCain’s speech. “The economic crisis was a pivotal point in this race.”

External factors aside, McCain and his campaign also lagged far behindObama in every key metric — money, organization, discipline — andfailed to embrace Obama's organizational model or the technology itborrowed from the private sector.


Earlier campaigns had celebrated their technological prowess,but in Obama’s cutting-edge campaign, new political technology wasimplemented and came of age, evidenced by its vaunted fundraisingmachine and its “Houdini” computer system, which enabled the campaignas late as Tuesday afternoon to identify and bring to the polls a lastwave of supporters who hadn’t yet voted.


The coalition Obama assembled proved as modern as the technology his campaign employed.


In his clear-cut victory, Obama became the first Democrat to win a majority of American votes since Jimmy Carter’s 1976 election. He won states just months ago thought to be impregnable to his party, places that just four years ago went for President Bush by double-digits: Virginia, Indiana, and North Carolina among them.

Indeed, Obama won in all regions of the country but the DeepSouth, piling up big wins in the perennial Democratic bulwarks on bothcoasts and making deep inroads into New South states, the industrialand agricultural heartland and the fast-growing Rocky Mountain West.


But perhaps most spectacularly, he found victory with amultiracial coalition that has the makings of a formidable politicalbase of power.


If his was the first 21st century campaign, his victory waspowered by a new face of America: comprised of all ethnicities, hailingmostly from cities and suburbs, largely under 40 years old, and amongall income classes.

As they emphatically proved by obliterating the presidentialcolor line, many of these voters are not guided by traditional culturalattachment to race, religion or region.


What makes his victory so resounding, and so daunting forRepublicans, was that he combined support from African-Americans, Jews,and young whites with other key groups. He also reversed PresidentBush’s advances with Hispanic voters.

Further, and even more worrisome for the GOP,Obama was dominant among self-described “moderate” voters, a 60 percentswath of Americans larger than either self-described liberals orconservatives.


This 21st century coalition allowed Obama to blow out McCain incities and suburbs where Bush had narrowly won or lost by smallermargins four years ago, and to pull off narrow wins in Virginia, NorthCarolina, Florida, Indiana and Ohio.


He ran up huge margins in heavily-black cities and counties in each,but was able to edge out McCain thanks to big wins in populous,racially-mixed localities like Northern Virginia's Fairfax County (59percent), Charlotte’s Mecklenburg County (62 percent), Orlando’s Orange County (59 percent), Indianapolis’s Marion County (64 percent) and Columbus’s Franklin County (59 percent).


The coalition underscored the theme that made Obama famous in 2004, andone that he returned to in his victory speech, citing his support from“young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white,Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and notdisabled — Americans who sent a message to the world that we have neverbeen a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America."